Non-Partisan Primaries Do Not Violate Political Parties’ Freedom of Association

“Respondents could protect them all by resorting to a nonpartisan blanket primary. Generally speaking, under such a system, the State determines what qualifications it requires for a candidate to have a place on the primary ballot—which may include nomination by established parties and voter-petition requirements for independent candidates. Each voter, regardless of party affiliation, may then vote for any candidate, and the top two vote getters (or however many the State prescribes) then move on to the general election. This system has all the characteristics of the partisan blanket primary, save the constitutionally crucial one: Primary voters are not choosing a party’s nominee. Under a nonpartisan blanket primary, a State may ensure more choice, greater participation, increased “privacy,” and a sense of “fairness”—all without severely burdening a political party’s First Amendment right of association.”
The main objection to replacing the closed primary election system in Nevada is that political parties have a first amendment right to select who represents their party in general elections. This has most recently been expressed by leading Nevada political commentator Jon Ralston, the editors of the Las Vegas Review Journal, and Reno political columnist Orrin Johnson. I totally agree.
But as Justice Scalia noted when writing for the majority in California Democratic Party et al. v Jones, Secretary of State of California, et al. using a non-partisan blanket primary, or for that matter, no primary, does not violate this first amendment right. Such a system not only protects that right but also protects the right of the state to regulate elections to ensure greater voter choice, participation, and fairness.
The Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act for 2017 (NEMRA – 2017) and its predecessorlast session, were designed with this in mind; to let the state exercise its right to expand voter choice, participation, and fairness while not infringing on the political parties’ right of association. This is a win-win.
Why would any political party oppose engaging more voters and increasing membership and potential donations? It is important to note that except for the few months leading up to the presidential caucuses and primary, the only group regularly gaining voter share is Non-Partisan. Both the Democratic and Republican Parties have been losing voter share over the same period. Saying those who left the party can re-register if they want to vote ignores the message of these voter registration trends and gives the perception that party is more important than country, state, or county.
Why would any political party not want to have its positions supported by a wider segment of voters? Tailoring their message to a small segment, those more ideologically pure, is what has prompted voters to leave the parties, reduced voter turnout, and increased the negative influence of partisanship in all aspects of our lives
What would be the message if one or both of the major political parties endorsed and actively worked for passage of NEMRA – 2017? It would be one of inclusiveness, one where the needs of the state and country come before the needs of the party. It would be one of “we believe every voter, not just those who 100 percent agree with us, matter.” The result of this message would be increased voter interest, increased voter participation, and potentially increased party membership.
Non-Partisan primaries do not violate political parties’ freedom of association. They do strengthen our electoral and governing processes to the benefit of the parties and the state.    

Nevada’s Strategic Planning Framework 2016 – 2020 and NEMRA – 2017

On April 11, 2016, Governor Brian Sandoval released the first edition of the Nevada Strategic Planning Framework 2016 – 2020. This plan, put together by the governor and his cabinet, lays out a vision and a framework to achieve that vision. Above all, it requires all sectors of the state government work together to enact and implement all the pieces that will continue to grow the economy and ensure a high quality of life for all Nevadans.
The framework is based on a vision that Nevada’s best days are yet to come.” From that vision, it sets a mission “To create a new Nevada while honoring and enhancing 150 years of success.”, based on the values of:
o   Action
o   Collaboration
o   Inclusiveness
o   Integrity
o   Leadership
o   Optimism
o   Service
There are four strategic priorities central to all areas:
o   Vibrant and Sustainable Economy
o   Educated and Healthy Citizenry
o   Safe and Livable Communities
o   Efficient and Responsive State Government
With any long-range plan, the fluidity that comes with changing elected leadership, changing organizational structures, and new laws, regulations, and policies must be addressed to minimize the impact of such change on the overall plan. The framework laid out by Governor Sandoval does this by focusing on eight core governmental functions:
o   Business Development and Services
o   Infrastructure and Communications
o   Education and Workforce Development
o   Health Services
o   Human Services
o   Public Safety
o   Resource Management
o                   o   State Support Services
For this long-range vision for Nevada to be successful, the strategic priority of efficient and responsive state government is paramount.  The executive branch, the elected constitutional officers of the state must lead. Along with the elected legislative leadership, they must be able to bring all sides together and create a climate for respectful dialog to work through differences of opinion. The legislature, the 42 elected members of the assembly and 21 elected members of the senate are the workhorses who must fund the programs, make necessary changes to statutes, and provide the resources that will allow the vision to become a reality. This may be easier said than done.
In today’s political environment, elected officials are more likely to be judged on their loyalty to their political party base (a vocal but small segment) and ideological purity than on their dedication and desire to do what is best for the state. Actions and decisions may be based more on fear of being defeated in a primary election than on what the lawmaker truly believes is right. Working together to collaborate on viable programs, having respectful discussions that recognize differences of opinion yet don’t let those differences get in the way of reaching consensus can be risky and difficult. The result is often contentious party-line debate that impedes progress.
The Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act for 2017 (NEMRA – 2017) could be an essential tool in meeting the framework’s priority of efficient and responsive state government. It clearly embraces the seven values of action, collaboration, inclusiveness, integrity, leadership, optimism, and service.
NEMRA – 2017 allows legislators to do what is best for the state without having to fear being “primaried”. Use of ranked choice / instant runoff voting (RCV / IRV) has proven to return civility to campaigning and legislating. With elections and legislating requiring appealing to more than just the small party base, candidates and legislators can address issues in a pragmatic fashion rather than ideologically pure dogma.  
Governor Sandoval’s Nevada’s Strategic Planning Framework 2016 – 2020 is an initiative that will be mostly undertaken after he leaves office. Successful implementation will take a willingness to continue on its path by his successor as well as legislators who may succeed those currently serving. It will require putting in place processes that allow transition of personnel while encouraging open, respectful, and honest debate. NEMRA – 2017 is such a process.  

Critics and Supporters of Election Law Change Agree Some Change is Needed

There has been a lot of media attention recently concerning a change to Nevada election law enacted by the 2015 Nevada legislature. The change focused on how an elected official is chosen when only one political party has candidates vying for a particular office.
Before the change, if only two candidates of the same party were running for the office, both candidates would appear on the general election ballot foregoing the primary election. If more than two candidates from the same party were the only ones running, the top two finishers in the closed primary election would advance to the general election. This would allow all voters in a legislative district to vote on who represented them in the legislative body.
Under the change, all candidates from the same political party will compete in a primary election with the winner advancing to the general election as an unopposed candidate. Supporters of this change say it is the political party’s right to select its nominee and that if voters registered in another party or as non-partisan want to participate they should change their voter registration to the party with candidates. Opponents of the change say all voters of the district should have a voice in who represents them without having to change party. Unlike when a candidate is unopposed; only one person filed to run for the office, two from the same party still represent a choice that should be presented in the general election. This is different from a party choosing its nominee.
In spite of all the back and forth, there is agreement – changes to our election process are needed.
The author of the change, State Senator James Settelmeyer (R – Minden), as vice-chair of the Senate Legislative Operations and Elections Committee along with committee chair State Senator Patricia Farley (R – Las Vegas) were the sponsors (officially it was a committee bill) of the original bill calling for a modified blanket primary system. Speaking of the original bill, Senator Settelmeyer was quoted in an article by Las Vegas Review Journal political reporter Sandra Chereb as saying the concept “is to allow everyone to vote in the primary.” He further said “It’s good to give people choices,” For the most recent article Senator Settelmeyer also stated “I would still support and vote for the bill that I brought,” he said. “To me it’s about the concept of having bold choices in which way we wish to go forward.” Senator Farely added “You want to get everybody’s voice in the process. I would like to see it open up in the primary. If I’m a registered independent and I like a Republican, I shouldn’t have to change my party affiliation.”
In an editorial supporting the change published on April 12, 2016 in the Las Vegas Review Journal the editors closed by saying “To encourage both major parties to field legislative candidates across the board, stop drawing district boundaries to guarantee a predictable outcome. Not only would both Democrats and Republicans have an incentive to field qualified candidates, voters of all affiliations would be more likely to get out and cast a ballot.” The drawing of legislative boundaries is a major issue for proponents of election reform. A bill to create a legislative advisory panel for reapportionment and redistricting was introduced in the 2015 session but failed to pass.
On April 12, 2016, I appeared on the Alan Stock Show on KXNT in Las Vegas. While Stock fully supports the current system, he closed by telling me we need “four strong political parties, Republican, Democratic, Conservative, and Liberal.” To achieve this would require going to multi-member legislative districts. Again, this is a major reform put forward by proponents of election reform.
Orrin Johnson, a political columnist contributing to the Reno Gazette Journal and another supporter of the 2015 change closed his April 17, 2016 column by saying, “I, for one, will be happy when political parties no longer enjoy any official sanction or recognition in our electoral procedures. The First Amendment, as it should, protects the rights of people to assemble into various organizations for political activism, but that doesn’t require us to have statutes with different rules for “major” or “minor” parties.” This sentiment is a driving force behind election reform.

In solving any problem, the first step is to determine if there are any areas of agreement, of common ground. Clearly there is agreement on the need for change in our political processes. Sandra Chereb, through her story highlighting the recent change to elections when only one party has candidates has brought this problem to the surface. Perhaps the Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act, the catalyst for the original bill in 2015, is the vehicle to reach the solution. 

GOP Loses Voter Share as Democrats Gain

As expected, with the presidential caucuses just completed and primary election campaigns kicking into high gear, Nevada voter registration statistics for March, 2016 continue to show a slight shift away from the growth of Non-Partisan voters. With minor exception, all registration groups; Democratic, Republican, Non-Partisan, and minor parties gained voters across all demographics. However in the more important statistic, voter share, the Democratic Party was the only group to increase voter share across all sectors of the electorate. The numbers are the complete opposite for the Republican Party, Non-Partisan, and minor parties. Not only did they lose voter share, they lost share in all sectors.
If this trend continues until close of registration for the general election it does not bode well for Republican chances to retain control of the state legislature or at-risk congressional seats. Conversely, if the trend subsides after close of registration for the primary and reverts back to Non-Partisan gaining voter share at the expense of the two major parties, are all bets off. My instinct tells me the later will come to pass.
The Non-Partisan and minor party loss of voter share leading up to the primary election is normal when primary elections are closed, restricted to those registered to vote in one of the major parties. If a person registered to vote as Non-Partisan or in one of the minor parties wishes to vote in a primary, they must re-register in the desired party. Since the general election has no party restriction, chances are these voters will switch back to their original registration following the primary. But will these new party members actually vote in the primary? Primary election turnout has averaged below 25 percent since 2000. 
State-Wide
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
16,320
3.36
40.07
0.61
R
4,399
1.01
35.30
-0.28
NP
982
0.42
18.68
-0.25
Other
492
0.66
5.95
-0.08
Total not D or R
24.63
-0.33
Democratic increase Feb / Mar in voter share over Republican +1.39%
Clark County
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
13,109
3.61
43.81
0.62
R
3,185
1.21
31.24
-0.29
NP
1,311
0.80
19.40
-0.27
Other
449
0.96
5.47
-0.14
Total not D or R
24.87
-0.41
Democratic increase Feb / Mar in voter share over Republican +0.91%
 Washoe County
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
2,700
3.21
36.59
0.72
R
526
0.57
38.77
-0.24
NP
-321
-0.75
17.97
-0.35
Other
-113
-0.72
6.67
-0.30
Total not D or R
24.64
-0.65
Republican voter share over Democratic decreased Feb / Mar -0.96%
Rural Counties
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
601
1.48
25.43
0.16
R
688
0.83
51.63
-0.02
NP
-8
-0.03
15.90
-0.14
Other
93
0.82
7.04
0
Total not D or R
22.94
-0.14
Republican voter share over Democratic decreased Feb / Mar -0.18%
18 – 34 Year Old
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
15,147
2.99
40.33
1.17
R
5,665
7.89
25.31
-0.36
NP
628
0.76
27.07
-0.66
Other
118
0.53
7.29
-0.15
Total not D or R
34.36
-0.81
Democratic increase Feb / Mar in voter share over Republican +1.53%
55+
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
4,351
2.01
40.51
0.36
R
1,902
0.85
41.21
-0.11
NP
-236
-0.32
13.33
-0.20
Other
29
0.11
4.95
-0.05
Total not D or R
18.53
-0.47
Republican voter share over Democratic decreased Feb / Mar -0.07%
 In the legislature, both assembly and senate districts remain unchanged from February with 11 senate districts (52.38%) and 21 assembly districts (50%) having the number of voters registered as Non-Partisan or total not registered as either Democratic or Republican either exceeding or  within five percent of one of the major political parties.
Given the low turnout of primary elections, it is questionable if the closed primary’s systemic exclusion of eligible voters produces the best results; effective and efficient government. This is especially questionable in races where only one party has candidates running in a primary and no Non-Partisan or minor party candidate has filed for the partisan office. Under a change to the Nevada elections statute made by the legislature in 2015, the winner of the primary becomes the sole candidate in the general election. In simple terms this means 20 – 25 percent of one political party’s registered voters (perhaps less than 10 percent of the total electorate) elects the office holder representing the entire constituency made up of voters of all persuasions.
Primary elections have been part of our election process for so long it’s possible some voters believe those elections and the parties themselves are part of the U.S. and / or Nevada Constitution.  Truth is political parties and primary elections are not mentioned anywhere in the U.S. Constitution. The Nevada Constitution does mention political parties but only in the context of requiring vacancies in partisan elected offices to be filled by a person of the same political party and limiting membership on the state Supreme Court Commission on Judicial Selection and Commission on Judicial Discipline to no more than one from the same political party.  The state Constitution also mentions primary elections but only to the point of limiting campaign contributions and ballot language related to a candidate’s acceptance of term limits. Nowhere in the Nevada Constitution are political parties or primary elections required.

I’ll continue to report monthly voter registration trends. The important question of whether increased major party registrations translate into increased voter turnout on June 14, 2016 is unknown. The Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act of 2017 (NEMRA – 2017) would make this question irrelevant.  

Are Legislators, Candidates, and Political Parties Ignoring the Future? (Opinion)

I am a Baby Boomer. Since I turned 30, I have looked forward to every new decade of my life, 70 is rapidly approaching. Every year has gotten better and I relish the idea that this will continue.
Since the 1960’s, Baby Boomers have held the distinction of being the largest generation. That changed in 2015. The honor now belongs to the Millennial Generation, those born between 1981 and 1997. This generation is our future. Boomers and to some extent older Generation Xers need to not only accept this but embrace it.
While leading the pack as the most populous generation, Millennials are trailing when it comes to voting. In Nevada, Millennials are 31 percent of the population but make up only 24 percent of registered voters (41 percent of eligible voters are not registered to vote). Since there is a lack of participation in the process it is not surprising that only 4 percent of Nevada legislators are Millennials.
Millennials do not embrace political parties to the extent of Boomers. Nearly 28 percent of Millennials registered to vote are registered as Non-Partisan. This is nine percent higher than the overall state total. It is important to note that prior to the presidential caucus the percentage was close to 30 percent and a clear 10 percent higher than the state.
Millennials are turned off to the political climate. To be encouraged to participate, they want answers not rhetoric. They want to know how elected officials and candidates will address issues important to them. They do not fit the standard party mold or comprise part of the so-called party base. In a study released by Pew Research in September, 2014, 84 percent hold positions that are not on the ideological fringe.
Given they are our future, it makes no sense to not take the steps necessary to get this generation involved, not only as voters but as candidates and elected officials. Holding on to the politics of the past will not serve our communities, our state, or our nation well.
One way Nevada legislators can demonstrate their commitment to engaging the Millennial Generation would be to enact the Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act of 2017 (NEMRA- 2017) during the 2017 legislative session. NEMRA – 2017 will engage not only the Millennial Generation but all voters who feel rejected by the current hyper-partisan political landscape. NEMRA – 2017 will make our electoral process fully inclusive, welcome all voters’ participation at all elections, encourage meaningful discussion of the issues rather than rhetoric and talking points, and demonstrate every vote, not just those from a small portion of each major political party, truly matters.

We can welcome the future and all the promise it holds or stick with the past, leaving our political decisions in the hands of an aging small party base that is not representative of the overall population. The choice is ours and the 2017 Nevada legislature’s to make.

Automatic Voter Registration and NEMRA-2017; Companion Bills?

Approximately 41 percent of eligible voters in Nevada are not registered to vote. Of the 59 percent who are, less than 46 percentvoted in the general election of November, 2014. Or to put it bluntly, 73 percent of eligible voters in Nevada just didn’t care.1
Eligible voters do not register to vote, or do not vote if they are, for basically the same reasons, mostly no interest or lack of time. Missing the registration deadline or not knowing where or how to register are also major reasons for not registering followed closely by lack of knowledge about the candidates or issues, lack of confidence in government, and voting doesn’t make a difference.
 In an attempt to fix low voter registration, states are starting to consider automatically registering eligible voters when they apply for a driver’s license or state identification card. The governors of Oregon and California signed bills in 2015 implementing such a system. Similar bills are pending in 25 states and the District of Columbia. The concept of automatic voter registration (AVR) initially had bipartisan support. However, with the increased partisan rhetoric of the presidential campaigns, support is now aligning along party lines, Democrats in favor and Republicans opposed.
I’ve heard that in keeping with their Nevada Blueprint, Democratic lawmakers in the Silver State plan on filing a bill draft request (BDR) for the 2017 Nevada legislative session seeking to bring AVR to the state. But will automatically registering a person to vote get that person to actually vote or will the impact of AVR be simply to decrease election turnout rates?
For those who fail to register to vote because they missed the deadline or did not know where or how to register, automatic voter registration will resolve their issue, provided they apply for or renew a driver’s license or state identification card. But what about the remaining 75 percent of eligible voters not registered to vote? 
Simply being registered to vote will not convince the person who didn’t register because they were not interested, didn’t want to take time to learn about the candidates or issues, have lost confidence in government, or don’t think their vote matters, to vote. Opponents of AVR stress voting is a personal responsibility. I believe these reasons for not registering support their argument. However, if those voters’ interest were piqued, if they saw government return to being an institution that embraced respectful disagreement and worked towards collaborative consensus, if they were given a reason to learn about the candidates and issues, and saw that their vote did matter, would the likelihood of them becoming active voters increase? The Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act for 2017 (NEMRA – 2017) is a means to make the answer, “yes”.
The current hyper-partisan political environment has turned people off not only to the political parties but to the entire process. A single election held in November using Ranked Choice / Instant Runoff Voting (RCV / IRV) as proposed in NEMRA – 2017 can help reverse this trend. RCV / IRV forces candidates to reach out to a more diverse electorate. Appealing simply to the small party base is no longer a clear path to election. Second-choice votes could be the difference between winning and losing. Voters exposed to RCV / IRV elections have noticed a decrease in the negative tone of campaigns.
The goal of those who support AVR is to remove roadblocks to voting allowing more eligible voters to go to the polls. The goal of RCV / IRV is to return civility to the election and governing process and increase voter participation in elections. These goals are mutually supportive to the benefit of all. Question to Nevada legislators; companion bills?
1, Based on best available data from U.S. Census compared to current Nevada voter registration statistics.

February Voter Registration – No Surprise , Just Major Questions

Voter registration statistics for February, 2016 are in and no one should be surprised. However, the changes in voter share do raise two major questions.
Voter registration efforts in February by the presidential campaigns, major political parties, and candidates were successful in adding another 25,712 active voters to the rolls. Combined with January’s increase, 41,661 new voters registered to vote during the first two months of 2016, an increase of 3.48 percent. The Republican Party increased voter share at a higher rate than the Democratic Party state-wide, in Clark County, in the rural counties, and among those 55 years old and over. The Democratic Party out did the GOP in Washoe County and with 18 – 34 year olds. Again, not surprising, the increase in voter share of the two major political parties came at the expense of voter share of Non-Partisan and the minor political parties.
Did the increase in voter share have a positive impact on caucus participation? The answer is mixed. The Republican Party had their highest caucus turnout since the parties went to the caucus system in 2008. That’s not saying much though as only 18 percent of registered Republicans caucused. On the Democratic side, 17 percent of registered Democrats attended the caucus. This was down approximately nine percent from 2008 when there was not an incumbent president running. Combined, only 13 percent of the total electorate bothered to participate. And here lies the questions: Does increased voter share lead to increased voter turnout beyond the small party base? Why should any voter have to compromise their principles, beliefs, or personal integrity in order to cast a ballot?
State-Wide
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
13,851
2.94
39.46
0.31
R
14,212
3.36
35.58
0.42
NP
-1,407
-0.60
18.93
-0.53
Other
-944
-1.26
6.03
-0.20
Total not D or R
24.96
-0.73
Clark County
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
9,914
2.83
43.19
0.25
R
8,758
3.44
31.53
0.38
NP
-304
-0.18
19.67
-0.47
Other
-296
-0.63
5.61
-0.16
Total not D or R
25.28
-0.63
Washoe County
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
2,839
3.49
35.87
0.52
R
2,795
3.15
39.01
0.44
NP
-656
-1.50
18.32
-0.65
Other
-401
-2.45
6.80
-0.30
Total not D or R
25.12
-0.95
Rural Counties
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
1,098
2.78
25.27
0.20
R
2,659
3.32
51.65
0.69
NP
-447
-1.71
16.04
-0.59
Other
-247
-2.14
7.04
-0.30
Total not D or R
23.08
-0.89
18 – 34 Year Old
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
7,690
7.11
39.16
1.10
R
4,205
5.86
25.67
0.43
NP
-110
-0.13
27.73
-1.17
Other
-140
-2.14
7.44
-0.42
Total not D or R
35.17
-1.59
55+
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
Difference in Voter Share %
D
2,582
1.21
40.15
-0.03
R
5,394
2.48
41.32
0.49
NP
-787
-1.07
13.53
-0.32
Other
-459
-1.67
5.00
-0.15
Total not D or R
18.53
-0.47
The above trend is similar when looking at individual state assembly and senate districts. In the senate, the changes were small still leaving 11 districts (52.38%) where the number of voters registered as Non-Partisan or total not registered as either Democratic or Republican either exceeds or is within five percent of one of the major political parties. In the assembly, 21 (50.00%) districts have the number of voters registered as Non-Partisan or total not registered as either Democratic or Republican exceeding or within five percent of one of the major political parties. This is a decrease of four, however, those four districts do not fall into this category by less than one-tenth of one percent.
Does increased voter share lead to increased voter turnout beyond the small party base? Looking at the numbers for February, the answer has to be no. Given recent primary election turnout, it is doubtful this will change in June. Leading Nevada political analyst Jon Ralston summed it up in his March 2, 2016 Ralston ReportsTrump Effect will continue to resonate in Nevada” when he says: The numbers do not lie. The caucus turnout was 75,000, which more than doubled what it was four years ago but still represents less than 18 percent of the GOP electorate. Compare that to the last two cycles: In the 2014 primary, it was 19 percent, the same as it was in 2012. No reason not to believe the June electorate will be similar to the caucus electorate.”
 Why should any voter have to compromise their principles, beliefs, or personal integrity in order to cast a ballot?  The willingness not to compromise their principals, beliefs, or personal integrity is a high standard we hold those we are voting for to. Voters should not have to compromise theirs. Expanding the voter pool and giving voters a reason to go to the polls, not simply increasing voter share, will increase voter turnout. That is what the Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act of 2017 (NEMRA – 2017) proposes to accomplish.

Ranked Choice / Instant Runoff Voting Could Change Campaign Spending

The overwhelming perception, and there’s much truth behind it, is that money plays the most important role in American politics, from the lowest level campaigns and policies to those of national and global importance. Whether that power is rightfully earned or is the result of voters, candidates, and elected officials unwittingly bestowing it is a question up for debate. Given the apparent level of distain for the influence of money in our political system, is there a way to curtail it?
While data is extremely scarce given the relatively short period of time the process has been used in elections, there is a belief that Ranked Choice / Instant Runoff voting (RCV / IRV) could provide a path towards loosening the grasp of money on our political and governing system.
In a March, 2014 MinnPost opinion piece, former Minnesota United States Senator David Durenberger explains how. RCV / IRV changes the dynamic of elections and policymaking possibly reducing the need for excessive dollars. His opinion cannot be discounted.  Could voters be ready to cause a shift away from money’s influence in state and local races?
In state and local races, national super political action committees (Super PACs) are increasing their spending in an attempt to influence election results. The goal is to elect candidates that share their positions on national issues. This can redirect campaign debate away from important local and state issues towards the hyper-partisan national debate. However, this needn’t be the case.
Elections where voters go to the polls once, for a general election using RCV / IRV, requires candidates speak to a wider audience. Appealing to the small party base as is done in a low turnout primary will no longer ensure election. They must focus on appealing to all voters, general election mode, but with the added advantage that besides first-choice votes, they are looking for second-choice votes that could be the difference between winning or losing. According to Senator Durenberger, this type of campaign requires increased use of forums, town halls, and knocking on doors. Talking directly to voters, addressing the issues, is what wins the election. Attack ads and mudslinging will not guarantee victory on Election Day. Meeting and speaking with voters costs less. A candidate or incumbent running for re-election is a safe district, one where voter registration overwhelmingly favors one party over another, may still have an advantage, however, given the continuing growth of voters registered as Non-Partisan, even safe districts are not so safe. At the end of January, 2016, the number of Nevada voters registered as Non-Partisan or when combined with those registered in a minor party either exceeded or was within five percent of those registered as either Democratic or Republican in 11 of the 21 (52.38%) state senate districts and 25 of the 42 (59.52%) state assembly districts.
I’ve been told that holding a single election in November using RCV / IRV will increase the money needed to be spent because a candidate in a safe district has to be in general election mode, appeal to the greater electorate. The ability to win the election in the primary, where the focus is on only the smaller party base would not be present. I’ve also been told that large donors such as major companies would have to change their donation practices, either increasing the amount of money they allocate to political purposes or reducing the amount of individual donations. Supposedly these donors give to several candidates in the primary election so their chance of having influence following the general election is increased. I do not refute the validity of these statements. However, is it possible the opposite would happen? Less cash available across the board would require candidates to conduct their campaigns as alluded to by Senator Durenberger. RCV / IRV could actually decrease the influence of money in our political system. It is also possible that because RCV / IRV has the potential to increase interest in the election, the amount raised from individual voters could grow.  
Change is not easy. But where would we be today if society had not embraced the many changes that have occurred over the past 50 years? Baby Boomers (my generation) gave way to Gen X and Millennials (our children and possibly grandchildren). The Millennials, those 18 – 34 years of age are now the largest generation. They also are registering to vote as Non-Partisan at much higher rate than other generations. All indications are they are not embracing and will not embrace the politics of the past.  If our cities, counties, state, and nation are to make progress, the younger generations must believe their participation now will make the difference between success and failure.  
In one year, February, 2017, the Nevada legislature can take a major step in showing the generations that are our future their opinions matter, that their participation in our governing processes is important by enacting the Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act of 2017 (NEMRA – 2017).  

Caucus Time – Voter Registration for January Favors Major Parties – UPDATE

Voter registration statistics for January, 2016 are in. Not surprising is that given the emphasis on the presidential caucuses and voter registration efforts by both the Democratic and Republican Parties along with their presidential candidates, the numbers show movement in their favor.
During the month of January, 2016, the state gained 15,949 voters over the previous month. The following tables show the impact.
State-Wide
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
% Difference in Voter Share
D
7,142
1.34
39.15
0.08
R
6,720
1.54
35.16
0.09
NP
1,810
0.78
19.46
-0.11
Other
277
0.37
6.23
-0.06
Total not D or R
25.69
-0.17
Clark County
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
% Difference in Voter Share
D
5,860
1.70
42.94
0.05
R
4,767
1.91
31.15
0.10
NP
1,698
1.04
20.14
-0.11
Other
330
0.71
5.77
-0.05
Total not D or R
25.91
-0.16
Washoe County
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
% Difference in Voter Share
D
925
1.15
35.35
0.15
R
914
1.04
38.57
0.12
NP
-81
-0.19
18.97
-0.17
Other
-93
-0.57
7.10
-0.09
Total not D or R
26.07
-0.26
  
Rural Counties
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
% Difference in Voter Share
D
357
0.91
25.07
-0.03
R
1,039
1.31
50.96
0.13
NP
193
0.74
16.63
-0.05
Other
40
0.35
7.34
-0.05
Total not D or R
23.97
-0.10
18 – 34 Year Old
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
% Difference in Voter Share
D
3.628
3.47
38.06
0.41
R
1,692
2.41
25.24
0.01
NP *
1,060
1.31
28.90
-0.30
Other
179
0.81
7.80
-0.12
Total not D or R
36.70
-0.42
*NOTE – Non-Partisan registration exceeds Republican by 3.66%
55+
Party
Change in # Voters
% Change
% Voter Share
% Difference in Voter Share
D
1,538
0.72
40.18
-0.08
R
3,154
1.47
40.83
0.22
NP
200
0.27
13.85
-0.09
Other
-32
-0.12
5.15
-0.05
Total not D or R
19.00
-0.14
The above trend is similar when looking at individual state assembly and senate districts. In spite of the changes, there are still 11 (52.38%) state senate districts and 25 (59.52%) state assembly districts where the number of voters registered as Non-Partisan or total not registered as either Democratic or Republican either exceeds or is within 5 percent of one of the major political parties.
Will state and local candidates be able to maintain this shift in voter registration following the caucuses up to the June primary election? Will any gains in registration equate to increased voter turnout? Only time will tell. What is certain is that the importance of the registered Non-Partisan voter cannot be ignored.

UPDATE
Interesting statistic from Ralston Reports on February 10, 2016. Jon Ralston looked at the annual growth in overall registration for the year preceding the last three presidential elections, 2007, 2011, and 2015. The rate of growth of Non-Partisan voters far outdistanced the growth of either the Democratic or Republican Party. As shown below, the rate of growth for Non-Partisan increased while the rate of growth for both major parties decreased. Ralston did not include minor parties in his analysis.
2007
Party
Increase in # Voters
% Share of Increase
D
19,782
47.69
R
14,316
34.51
NP
7,384
17.80
Total
41,482
2011
Party
Increase in # Voters
% Share of Increase
Change in Rate of Increase
D
15,898
37.76
-9.93
R
15,153
36.00
+1.49
NP
11,046
26.24
+8.44
Total
42,097
2015

Party
Increase in # Voters
% Share of Increase
Change in Rate of Increase
D
33,677
36.58
-1.18
R
31,045
33.73
-2.27
NP
27,331
29.69
+3.45
Total
92,053

True in 2014, True Now – Hyper Partisanship Standing In The Way of Progress

In an update to their 2014 study, The Next America: Boomers, Millennials, and the Looming Generational Showdown,” to be released this week, the Pew Research Center along with their former executive vice president Paul Taylor present data that should not surprise anyone. The hyper-partisan divide infecting our political structure is not only still active, it may have gotten worse.
Some highlights:
The use of partisan ideology as criteria for personal relationships is increasing. Added to this is an increasing level of distrust, denial of opposing facts, and doubt of motives and love of country. The authors observe “It’s as if they belong not to rival parties but alien tribes.”
The two major parties are becoming more demographically homogeneous. As the country grows less white and social tolerance gains acceptance among the younger yet largest generation, the shrinking party bases are becoming less inclusive. The Republican Party base is now whiter, older, more religious, and socially conservative. In contrast, the Democratic Party base is younger, racially diverse, secular, and more acceptant of social differences. This homogeneity is further highlighted in the growing generational gap in voting trends.
 Partisan beliefs continue to be a major and growing consideration in determining where we chose to live, who we chose as friends, who we marry, and where we get our information.
As the partisan divide becomes wider, more voters are choosing to abandon political parties in general. While this trend is present in all generations, it is most prevalent among the millennial generation, those between the ages of 18 and 34. This becomes more important since this generation is now the largest. As I post each month, this is true in Nevada where the percentage among this age group registered to vote as Non-Partisan is 10 percent higher than the overall state percentage.
Those wanting elected officials to collaborate, work together, and compromise are the new “silent majority”. However, in this age of social media and the accompanying pontification, there is no leader able to overcome the volume of the hyper-partisan extremes.
Election turnout plays a major role in allowing this partisan divide to survive. Historically, older voters tend to vote in non-presidential years in far greater numbers that younger voters. With ideological extremes dominating, this has created the large swings we have witnessed; a Democratic president re-elected and a strongly conservation congress maintaining a majority on the national level and a shift to the right in state governments
I posted two articles highlighting the growing partisan divide in 2014. Those posts are available hereand here. As shown in this updated work by Pew Research and Paul Taylor, this divide is widening, negatively impacting our political systems and overall society.

The Nevada legislature can take a step to reverse this polarizing trend when they next meet in February, 2017 by enacting the Nevada Election Modernization and Reform Act